First female speaker of house of representative in nigeria time

The fights came frequently, and her clothes would inevitably get torn. Whether or not this particular story was true, there was no denying that throughout her life, Sawaba never shied away from a fight, particularly when it was on the side of the downtrodden. In , when she was 10 years old, her father died. Her mother died three years later and, soon after, at the age of 13, Sawaba was married to a second world war veteran named Abubakar Dan Sarkin. At 16, she gave birth to her only child, Bilikisu. At the time, the British ruled over Nigeria using a system of Indirect Rule, whereby Native Authorities NA administered colonial policies in the 12 northern provinces through local emirs and district and village leaders.

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Content:

• Fake Civil Society: The Rise of Pro-Government NGOs in Nigeria
• Electoral Reform in Nigeria: The time is now!
• EXCLUSIVE: Etteh goes to School
• Speakers of the House (1789 to present)
• The Speaker
• Speaker of the House of Representatives of Nigeria
• List: Meet 19 female lawmakers out of 469 members of ninth National Assembly

WATCH RELATED VIDEO: News At 10 - 06/11/2021

Fake Civil Society: The Rise of Pro-Government NGOs in Nigeria

The views contained herein are those of the author alone. Yet its independence, outspokenness, and unwavering commitment to democracy, transparency, and human rights have long antagonized the kleptocratic, power-hungry—but also image-conscious—ruling elites. Like the fake grassroots groups bankrolled by past military juntas, these surrogate organizations masquerade as authentic civil society groups, singing the praises of top officials and attacking their critics.

Like many countries in Africa—and, for that matter, elsewhere in the world—Nigeria has recently experienced democratic backsliding that threatens its long-term stability and prosperity. The rise of pro-government NGOs is both a cause and a consequence of this backsliding and must be addressed as part of any effort to arrest and reverse it.

In doing so, they resemble their uniformed predecessors who, in the s, tried to stymie democratization using pro-government NGOs as a tool. In recent years, at least different pro-government NGOs have made headlines with their anti-democratic rhetoric and vocal praise for the regime.

They constitute a substantial fake civil society operating alongside legitimate civil society. Roughly 90 percent of these groups started operating after President Muhammadu Buhari took office in , suggesting a strong correlation between his ascension to the presidency and their explosive growth.

Although no two pro-government NGOs are the same, many have certain trademark characteristics. First and foremost, they are sycophantic, quick to praise senior government and military officials and to attack their critics.

Pro-government NGOs also frequently champion illiberal causes, pushing back against calls for reform, defending state repression, and absolving the government of responsibility for human rights abuses. Yet they also try to appear legitimate by adopting the mannerisms and lexicon of mainstream NGOs.

Pro-government NGOs are also, by definition, opaquely funded, most likely by political appointees close to senior officials who seek to generate media attention for their views.

The terminology this paper uses to describe NGOs is tailored to the Nigerian context and does not necessarily apply to similar groups operating in other countries, many of which are easily recognizable as government-organized NGOs. It is informed by extensive in-country research and two dozen interviews with academic, civil society, government, military, and media sources both in and outside Nigeria. That said, the general issue of fake civil society is relevant to many national contexts, and unfortunately is part of the larger global trend of democratic backsliding.

It is hoped, therefore, that this paper may provide insights about the phenomenon in one important country case that will help analysts, activists, aid providers, and policymakers grapple with the problem as it appears elsewhere. Much of the analysis herein is deliberately normative, separating mainstream NGOs those that seek to advance democratic values and defend human rights from pro-government NGOs those that, in the context of contemporary Nigerian state behaviors, exist to praise officials and champion illiberal causes.

This analysis assumes that the activities of mainstream NGOs are typically constructive and contribute to good governance, sustainable development, and economic prosperity.

It also assumes that pro-government NGOs generally behave problematically by parroting official talking points; undermining efforts to hold government accountable; and defending corrupt, insensitive, or abusive acts. This paper also makes a normative distinction between briefcase NGOs those that exist only on paper and legitimate NGOs those with a discernible track record and real-world presence.

It acknowledges, however, that these distinctions are not always clear. Many pro-government NGOs are briefcase entities, and yet a few are not. Likewise, some mainstream NGOs may operate only intermittently or serve as vehicles for individual activists. Across Nigeria, many one-person or unregistered NGOs do important work, deriving legitimacy from their local impact or niche focus.

In other words, little-known or small and personalized NGOs are not, by definition, suspect. They are also now able to leverage transformative outreach and fundraising tools such as Facebook, Twitter, and WhatsApp. As ubiquitous as pro-government NGOs have become in recent years, they are not a new phenomenon in Nigeria. In the s, under military rule, pro-government NGOs were not merely noisy competitors in civil society spaces, but instead were formidable antagonists able to affect real-world politics.

Suspiciously well-resourced and amplified by state-run media, these entities acted as a counterweight to pro-democracy NGOs like the Civil Liberties Organization, Constitutional Rights Project, and the Transition Monitoring Group, many of whom were sustained by international support.

As such, it was able to operate one step removed from its uniformed paymasters, lobbying and bribing newly elected legislators, planting stories in newspapers, and co-opting civil society activists. All the groups have now converged on Abuja with lorry loads of hired crowds.

They get permits to hold rallies anywhere in the country and are adequately protected by law enforcement agents. They organise symposia and workshops on why Abacha should continue in office and pay visits to state military administrators, ministers, traditional rulers and those that matter in government.

Such visits are given prominence in state-owned media. Last week, eight such associations had emerged with some form of presence in Abuja. Pro-Abacha groups also attacked potential dissenters. In May , one such group, the Northern Nigerian Youth Christian Association, slammed former civilian vice president Alex Ekwueme and other former politicians who opposed Abacha.

Then Abacha died suddenly in June Some of their leaders ran for office. Another factor fueling the creation of briefcase NGOs since has been the readiness of the Independent National Electoral Commission INEC to accredit little-known groups as official domestic election observers. In-depth analysis of the domestic groups accredited by the INEC to observe the elections reveals that a minority—only fifty-four—are legitimate NGOs with a discernible public profile, whereas forty-three are briefcase entities, fifteen are pro-government NGOs, and nine are government parastatals or associations of government professionals.

After a fifteen-year lull, pro-government NGO activity has reached new heights since Buhari took office in Of the more than pro-government NGOs identified in this research, 90 percent began operating in and around the capital, Abuja, since This surge is unlikely to be coincidental, given that pro-government NGOs rely on senior officials—albeit often indirectly—for guidance and funding.

It may also be the result of a deliberate but unspoken strategy on the part of a handful of ruling party and military elites to resuscitate a familiar political tool, used during previous periods of democratic retrenchment to dilute civil society and international criticism.

Since , ruling party legislators have twice introduced bills to strictly regulate NGOs, even though they are already subject to corporate laws such as the Companies and Allied Matters Act. Reiterating these unfounded assertions, House Speaker Femi Gbajabiamila championed a similar bill in , declaring that NGOs needed stricter regulation because some were aiding the Boko Haram insurgency. Instead of making it harder for briefcase NGOs to operate, increased government regulation of civil society groups likely would have the opposite effect.

Skewed by partisan bias, government NGO regulators almost certainly would focus their attention on monitoring mainstream civil society groups and deregistering those critical of government policy or the security sector. Certain key characteristics and behaviors are specific to pro-government NGOs, and can be used to identify them.

These traits include sycophancy, a readiness to use ad hominem attacks, illiberalism, a penchant for holding identically staged press conferences, ephemerality, legitimacy-seeking, opaque funding, overt partisanship, and ties to little-known news platforms and think tanks.

The majority of pro-government NGOs active since also share another surprising characteristic: links to the southern part of Benue State, in central Nigeria. This collection of common identifiers does not mean, however, that all pro-government NGOs look and act the same.

Some seem more attuned to the news cycle than others, swiftly leaping to the defense of scandal-hit officials or government entities. It is unclear whether this responsiveness stems from their existing ties to those officials or is part of an attempt to cultivate high-level demand for their services by demonstrating a capacity to draw attention.

Although legitimate NGOs sometimes commend the Nigerian government for taking constructive policy decisions, appointing respected technocrats, or passing legislation that aligns with their values, they generally strive to ensure such feedback is substantive and nonpartisan. Pro-government NGOs, in contrast, signal their loyalty and support for the government, ruling party, and military as loudly and frequently as possible.

Since , pro-government NGOs have showered Buhari, his government, the military, and its service chiefs with adulation. His commitment is unwavering and an indication that, in a matter of time, the menace of Boko Haram would come to an end. Fake awards are another tool that pro-government NGOs use to ingratiate themselves with prestige-hungry senior officials or, in some cases, help scandal-ridden individuals launder their reputations.

In this way, pro-government NGOs emulate opportunistic media organizations, professional groups, and charitable foundations that frequently bestow such spurious awards.

Award-giving also provides new entrants to the briefcase NGO industry with a pretext for meeting and expanding their relationship with senior officials and their SAs. Examples of this tactic abound. This rhetoric has three main aims. First, it is used to discredit and delegitimize outside criticism by painting it as partisan, unpatriotic, or driven by ulterior motives. Second, it is employed to intimidate and silence legitimate activists, credible domestic and international NGOs, foreign governments, and the media.

They tend to target a similar set of perceived adversaries. The ICC, Amnesty International and their associates are collaborating with the opposition in this devilish pursuit. Things have gotten to the point where these organizations, irrespective of their now abused international status, must treat [ sic ] in the manner they deserve.

Nigerians must rise up and disown Amnesty International and all it stands for. They must take their future into their hands and send this demonic NGO out of their country in order to have peace. The organization and those who implement its evil plans in Nigeria will now be treated in the same measure they have treated our dear country.

They cannot expect to enjoy peace and tranquility where they have sponsored terrorists to flood parts of the country with human blood. Likewise, the ironically named Citizens Against Fake Activists—a staunchly pro-military NGO—went a step further, calling for the Nigerian government to. It is our view that if they can be callous to the point of sabotaging Nigeria for foreign interests and help them to empower Boko Haram then they should also be ready to get what is coming to them as repercussions for their treachery.

Over the long term, pro-government NGOs increasing use of hateful rhetoric could radicalize a few unwitting Nigerians, inciting them to conduct politically motivated attacks against domestic civil society groups, international NGOs, and journalists. Their dissonant stances on core issues held by mainstream civil society groups—human rights, democracy, good governance, and the protection of civil liberties—are significant red flags.

CNN should wake up from the blind hatchet jobs it is contracted to do. Truth fights back. It goofed in Nigeria terribly and the world is increasingly frowning at their public media mercantilism. It should accept the reality that some disgruntled elements are out to destabilize the country and recruited it to consciously water this agenda to fruition.

We know CNN as satanic agents, but Nigeria is a forbidden land to practice their trade. Let them look elsewhere. For their part, mainstream civil society groups view pro-government NGOs and their illiberal agenda with deep mistrust. All NGOs convene public events, such as presentations, workshops, and report launches, from time to time. Hosted at the same two or three Abuja hotels and bedecked with the same style of banners, these events serve as a platform for reading—often verbatim—similarly structured press releases that many media outlets then print word-for-word.

Since , pro-government groups have convened well over such press conferences, ensuring that their anti-democratic attacks and pro-regime paeans frequently make headlines. Out of the plus pro-government groups identified through this research, more than held just one or two press conferences in total.

They easily render themselves as personality attack dogs and weapons of blackmail for equally dubious characters for peanuts. They flaunt the emblem of disgusting, unscrupulous and unconscionable characters.

Outside their overt partisan proclivities is the tendency of unbated exhibition of unrestrained hatred against the anti-corruption campaigns of President Muhammadu Buhari and any of his appointee [ sic ] who toes this path. Their leaders may give themselves dubious honorifics, such as comrade, high chief, sir, or prince, or misuse real-world professional titles like ambassador or professor. Some groups attempt to bolster their credibility by presenting themselves as the voice of particular professional or social groups, such as lawyers, unemployed youth, or Nigerians living in the diaspora.

Pro-government NGOs also seek to exaggerate their importance by impersonating genuine stakeholders or portraying themselves as nationwide coalitions of dozens—even hundreds—of unnamed civil society groups. In doing so, they seek to attach more credibility and legitimacy to their statements, implying that they represent the views of a wider social or geographical constituency.

Legitimate NGOs of all sizes need funds to operate, organize events, conduct training and research, pay staff, and rent office space. Most legitimate NGOs are supported either directly by grants or task-specific contracts from international development agencies and charitable foundations, or indirectly via partnerships with larger NGOs.

Electoral Reform in Nigeria: The time is now!

Sebastian F. Photo credit: Nigeria Civil Society Room. The roundtable was held in the wake of the publication of the reports on the general elections from two of the international election observation missions. Nigeria now has the lowest proportion of women parliamentarians in Africa. To be fair, voting usually involves multiple administrative steps and waiting long hours in queues. Participants in the round table spoke of voter intimidation and indeed of one high-profile case of a returning officer who was compelled to declare a winner at gunpoint.

EXCLUSIVE: Etteh goes to School

That committee will make its report Wednesday. Speaker Etteh has said she followed due process in awarding the contracts. Kabir Mato is head of the political science department at the University of Abuja. So I will not be surprised that the committee might come up with recommendations that are not going to be very severe on either side of the divide. That not withstanding, we could also perhaps see something entirely different from what we are expecting. But Mato said the opposition and Nigerians in general should be willing to accept the findings of a properly constituted panel such as the ad-hoc committee investigating the speaker. Citizens are not necessarily crucified unless they are tried and given fair hearing to defend themselves on any particular issue, especially on allegations regarding corruption that is leveled against them.

Speakers of the House (1789 to present)

Wia dis foto come from, Hon. Nan'anlong Daniel. Dem comot di speaker early mor-mor on Thursday morning and replace am wit di member wey dey represent Pengana Constituency, Yakubu Sanda. Majority leader, Hon. Di speaker dey removed sake of accuse of alleged financial recklessness, im high handedness.

The Speaker

AS returning members, members-elect of the House of Representatives and leaders of their political parties continue to work towards the emergence of a Speaker, the politics stir up memories of similar searches in the past. As Speaker, Dimeji brought panache to the exalted seat with charisma, brilliance and elocution. The failure of the former member representing Abeokuta South to return to the House of Representatives, in , seems analogous to the eventual loss of the presidency by PDP in With hindsight, it is possible that had Dimeji returned to the House and as Speaker, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and APC political bulldozers would not have had the golden opportunity to ambush the former President Goodluck Jonathan administration. But deigning to be different from former President Olusegun Obasanjo, who applies garrison tactics to return whoever he pleases at any election, Jonathan left Dimeji to suffer electoral defeat at the hands of the Action Congress of Nigeria plotters.

Speaker of the House of Representatives of Nigeria

The Speaker is the principal office holder in the House of Representatives. He or she is the House's representative or spokesman and chairs its meetings. The Speaker is elected from among the Members of the House and is usually a person of considerable parliamentary experience. The Speaker also performs a role similar to that of a Minister in relation to a government department, and oversees the administration of the Department of the House of Representatives. Electing a Speaker is the first thing that the House does when it meets for the first time after a general election. The Speaker makes sure that Members obey the rules standing orders of the House and follow the correct procedures.

List: Meet 19 female lawmakers out of 469 members of ninth National Assembly

Ethnicity: Yoruba. In her thirst for more knowledge, she attended the University of Abuja between and for a part time Diploma in Law course and also has, in view, a Bachelors of Science degree in political science from the same institution. Etteh lost her father at a tender age, which left the responsibility of raising her and her siblings to her mother and the family. It was a tough and rough experience, which may have hardened and primed her to excel in a male dominated field of politics.

The alumni of the University of Jos became more and more part of the general definition of the university through their outstanding performances and achievements in their respective fields of specializations nationally and world-wide; and, also, in their contributions to the development of the university. Some of the major accomplishments by alumni are outlined below:. Yakubu Dogara was born in December in Bauchi State, where he had his primary and secondary education before heading to the University of Jos in to study Law. His education began in at Gwarangah Primary School in Bauchi state. He then proceeded to law school and was eventually called to the Bar in

The views contained herein are those of the author alone. Yet its independence, outspokenness, and unwavering commitment to democracy, transparency, and human rights have long antagonized the kleptocratic, power-hungry—but also image-conscious—ruling elites. Like the fake grassroots groups bankrolled by past military juntas, these surrogate organizations masquerade as authentic civil society groups, singing the praises of top officials and attacking their critics. Like many countries in Africa—and, for that matter, elsewhere in the world—Nigeria has recently experienced democratic backsliding that threatens its long-term stability and prosperity. The rise of pro-government NGOs is both a cause and a consequence of this backsliding and must be addressed as part of any effort to arrest and reverse it.

While the Senate, which is the upper legislative chamber has members, the House of Representatives, the lower chamber has members. Never miss important updates! This is the first time a woman would occupy the highest political office in the country but her reign was short-lived.