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20 plantas en nahuatl speakers

Homegardens are among the most ancient management systems that currently provide economic benefits to people and are reservoirs of native biodiversity. We determined density, frequency and biomass of plant species composing homegardens and forests through vegetation sampling of a total of 30 homegardens and nine plots of forests, and documented ethnobotanical information on use, management, and economic benefits from plants maintained in homegardens. Results: A total of plant species was recorded with 12 use categories, ornamental, 92 edible, and 50 medicinal plant species. We recorded A total of species were cultivated through seeds, vegetative propagules or transplanted entire individual plants, 71 tolerated, and 23 enhanced.

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WATCH RELATED VIDEO: Lesson 3. Colors in Nahuatl

BETWEEN THE GLOSSES: DEVILS AND PANTHEISM IN THE Cronica mexicayotl


Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine volume 8 , Article number: 33 Cite this article. Metrics details. This article describes the local concepts indigenous Nahua women hold regarding their reproduction. Specifically it provides a description of two indigenous illnesses— isihuayo and necaxantle , it discusses their etiology, symptoms, and treatments, and it analyzes them within the local ethnomedical framework and sociopolitical context.

This research took place in a small Nahua village in Mexico. Qualitative data on local perceptions of these illnesses were collected by a combination of participant observation and interviews. Ethnobotanical data was obtained through interviews, and medicinal plants were collected in home gardens, fields, stream banks, and forested areas. The article includes a detailed description of the etiology, symptoms, and treatments of these illnesses.

Five medicinal plants were salient in the treatment of these illnesses: Ocimum basilicum L. The research on these two ethnomedical conditions is a useful case study to understanding how indigenous women experience reproductive health. Reproductive health is not simply about clinically-based medicine but is also about how biomedicine intersects with the local bodily concepts.

The traditional medicine of indigenous groups of Mexico has been very well studied over the past decades [ 1 — 7 ]. Organ displacement is an illness category that is found in both present and past cultures of Mexico [ 5 , 10 , 11 ], the Americas [ 12 , 13 ], and other regions of the world [ 14 , 15 ]. In this illness category, specific organs or parts of the body shift from their original position and cause health problems. The isihuayo is an organ situated in the lower torso of a woman and is believed to have roots radiating out from it.

Both these latter terms are in Spanish. These terms in Spanish describe the actual displacement of the organ. Isihuayo is an ethnomedical category of illness with local cultural and biological characteristics, yet it shares many of the latter characteristics with the biomedical condition of prolapsed uterus [ 19 ].

The biomedical symptoms for prolapsed uterus include urinary incontinence, discomfort while urinating, constipation, backache, and a lump that projects outside of the vagina [ 19 ]. While prolapsed uterus is a condition identified and treated by biomedicine, the isihuayo that the women in the village suffer from differs from prolapse in its etiology and treatment.

Biomedically, prolapsed uterus is caused when the ligaments holding up the uterus weaken and stretch, allowing it to fall down and hang into the vaginal canal. The etiology is multifactorial, including advanced age, obesity, higher parity number of births , and conditions causing abdominal pressure [ 19 , 20 ]. Prolapse was diagnosed when the women attended the clinic to have their annual medical exam and Pap smear.

The clinicians at the medical centers stated that surgery was typically the treatment for this condition, where the affected parts of the uterus, or even the entire uterus, were removed. In larger hospitals in cities its treatment could include pelvic floor muscle training, hormones, pessaries, or, in severe cases, surgical treatment [ 19 ]. The local physicians did not prescribe pessaries, hormones, or exercises, preferring instead to prevent the condition altogether by advising the women to have fewer children and space them further apart.

It is locally considered a wasting disease. Ideally, women are expected to rest forty days cuarentena postpartum so they can regain their bodily strength. Necaxantle shares many elements with the Andean condition of sobreparto. Thus women become especially vulnerable to such conditions. This article aims to describe the local concepts indigenous Nahua women hold regarding their reproduction.

Specifically it addresses the following: 1 Provide a description of two indigenous illnesses— isihuayo and necaxantle ; 2 Discuss the etiology, symptoms, and treatments of both illnesses; and 3 Analyze these illnesses within the local ethnomedical framework and sociopolitical context.

Mexico has slightly over 10 million indigenous people in the country, which is approximately 10 percent of the population. The Nahua are the largest indigenous group, numbering nationally around 1.

They are the linguistic descendants of the Aztecs. Overall, indigenous populations form part of the lowest socioeconomic status in the country, with the highest levels of ill health, illiteracy, and marginalization [ 23 ]. With approximately people, the people of the village are primarily subsistence agriculturalists.

Their main crop is maize Zea mays , complemented by small-scale cattle ranching and orange-farming. Northern Veracruz is marked by significant ecological and social contrast. The high Sierra Madre Oriental taper eastwards to rolling hills and a lush coastal zone on the Gulf of Mexico. The rainfall is usually between and millimeters per year [ 3 ], with the majo-rity of this rain falling in the form of violent thunderstorms in the wet season from July to November.

Only about a third of the precipitation falls during the rest of the year, the dry season. The high rainfall during the wet season has given rise to dense tropical forest in the lower areas and temperate oak-ash forest in the highlands [ 24 , 25 ]. This has led to a high biodiversity of plants and animals. There are also approximately six hundred species of medicinal plants [ 26 ].

Some of the plants that are found in this area include avocado Persea americana , ceiba Ceiba pentandra , papaya Carica papaya , datura Datura candida , different types of gourds Crescentia alata , bamboo Arthrostylidium racemiflorum , mahogany Swietenia humilis , guava Psidium guajava , chilies Capsicum spp. Many of these plants are domesticated and, though some of them are found in the remaining forest, the majority have been modified by the people and are grown in their home gardens.

Socially, contrast is evident from the marked differences between wealthy landowners and extremely marginalized indigenous populations. Large industrial cities such as Poza Rica are juxtaposed with the rest of the region, which is dotted with small villages and remote hamlets high up in the sierras. Some of the largest cattle ranches in the country, veritable feudal estates [ 27 ], are run by a miniscule proportion of the population.

The area contains some of the highest rates of illiteracy in the country and a marked lack of services, communications, schools, and jobs. The cities, however, are home to people with a high socioeconomic standard of living [ 28 ]. The healthcare in this region consists of biomedicine government run clinics and hospitals and traditional healers.

The latter include many sobadores bone setters , curanderos ritual specialists , and parteras traditional birth attendants. All the small villages have at least one of these traditional practitioners. In the village where this research takes place, there were nine traditional healers, five of whom were traditional birth attendants all of them female.

All of these women were above the age of 55 and had been practicing most of their adult lives. The parteras have received government training and certification in the nearby city of Poza Rica. Through this certification they have been exposed to some of the biomedical terms for the female body. A mixed methodology of participant observation, in-depth ethnographic research semi-structured and unstructured interviews , and collection of medicinal plants formed the basis of the data.

The latter consisted of ex situ interviews that used a combination of fresh material and photographs [ 29 ]. The women ranged in age from 18 to 73, with the average age being As noted by Quinlan [ 30 ], participant observation is opportunistic, while also allowing the researcher to engage a large proportion of a population in in-depth conversations. Necaxantle was much less spoken about.

Only 2 informants, both over the age of 55, stated they had suffered from it. The illness was well-known and feared across the village, however. The qualitative data from the interviews was triangulated and cross-checked.

These were sorted into piles and groups, and subsequently analyzed. It was analyzed using open and focused coding by identifying and coding trends and patterns [ 31 ].

Eight of the laywomen mentioned above were informants regarding plant use. All of them were mothers and were between the ages of 35 and 70, with the average age being During this research, the Spanish and Nahuatl name for as many of the plants as possible was obtained; these were cross-checked for accuracy.

Many plants had only one name and were not translated into another language. For most plants, the informants provided a local name as well as their taxonomy. The plants collected were scientifically identified by Mtra. The research followed internationally recognized ethical guidelines adopted by the American Anthropological Association. Prior informed verbal consent was obtained from all participants before becoming part of the study. Isihuayo can be caused by various ways Figure 2.

If a woman falls or is physically hurt, energy is believed to travel into her body, dislodging her uterus. I could feel it when I moved. I came to Lourdes so she could massage me. Refugio, a very sought-after TBA, confirmed the etiology of isihuayo. And she came to me and said she has pain here [belly] and that is why I massaged her.

Etiology, symptoms, and treatment for isihuayo. Also, excessive sexual relations, in particularly when the woman is tired, can cause the uterus to loosen from its position and hang down. One of the TBAs stated that if a woman in this situation continues with hard physical labor, the uterus will likely remain in this state.

Necaxantle is also caused by imbalance. But this imbalance appears when a postpartum woman does not rest and take care of herself. She does not allow her body to recover. There are some [who rest] for eight days. Others for 15 [days] or a month. But by the next day I was working, as I have no one to help me.

After four days I began to make tortillas. For my first three children [I rested] a week. Afterwards no longer. I began to work in the kitchen. One can get necaxantle [like that]. With so much work one gets tired. I need medicine, a treatment.


Meaning of "tule" in the Spanish dictionary

You are here Home » Collections. The audio files in this collection were recorded during the summers of , primarily for the purpose of the study of antipassives, syntactic ergativity, and movement constructions. Note that not all responses or all interviews were used for the production of associated publications, and not all of the data collected are found here as audio files. The transcriptions of those classes were created and analyzed by Juan Ajsivinac Sian. The collection of the movement and antipassive data was funded by the Bilinski Foundation and the University of Hawaii Arts and Sciences Advisory Council, while the analysis of the immersion classes was funded by the Smithsonian Institution and the University of Hawaii. Estos archivos fueron grabado durante los veranos de , primariamente para el estudio de antipasivos, ergatividad de la sintaxis, y construcciones de movimiento. Las transcripciones de esas clases fueron creado y analizado por Juan Ajsivinac Sian.

Ethnographic studies have shown that pantheism in Nahuatl-speaking groups to outside influence to this day (Sandstrom, Corn ; Knab "Aztec" 20).

The Method of Francisco Hernández


Print Send Add Share. Subjects Genre: serial sobekcm. The journal is devoted primarily to the publication of specialized reports on the archaeology of Belize but also features articles from ot her disciplines and areas. Back cover : Steven Richards. Jaime Awe. PAGE 4 J. Morris et al. A special thanks to Print Belize and the staff for their efforts to have the Symposium Volume printed on time despite receiving the documents on very short notice.

Comparing the New World and the Old: Fray Juan Bautista and the Languages of the Spanish Monarchy

20 plantas en nahuatl speakers

Abbi, A. New Delhi: Allied Publishers. Find this resource:. Ackema, P.

This term, which is rooted in real social and territorial conflict, reflects a long-standing perception of cultural difference between the descendants of English- and the Spanish-speaking colonists.

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Appendix A. Alphabetical Catalogue of Nahuatl/Mexicano Loan Words in English

This article explores how the Nahua of late Postclassic Mesoamerica — CE created living and material embodiments of their wind god constructed on the basis of sensory experiences that shaped their conception of this divinized meteorological phenomenon. This study identifies the centrality of other human senses beyond sight in the conception of the wind god and the making of its earthly manifestations. At the same time, they referred to the identity and agency of the wind god in myths and rituals. Sign In or Create an Account. User Tools. Sign In. Skip Nav Destination Article Navigation. Close mobile search navigation Article navigation.

Keywords. authority, lettered city, money, cacao, tribute, annals history, Nahua, allograph Around AD , Nahuat speakers, who called themselves Pipil and.

Quechuan languages

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Enciclopedia Cultural Náhuatl: Botánica y Zoología, Río


Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine volume 8 , Article number: 33 Cite this article. Metrics details. This article describes the local concepts indigenous Nahua women hold regarding their reproduction. Specifically it provides a description of two indigenous illnesses— isihuayo and necaxantle , it discusses their etiology, symptoms, and treatments, and it analyzes them within the local ethnomedical framework and sociopolitical context. This research took place in a small Nahua village in Mexico. Qualitative data on local perceptions of these illnesses were collected by a combination of participant observation and interviews.

Agaves resist extreme heat and drought.

Maize: Biodiversity and Culture in Everyday Consumption

The emissions that cause climate change come from every part of the world and affect everyone, but some countries produce much more than others. The least-emitting countries generate 3 percent of total emissions. The 10 countries with the largest emissions contribute 68 percent. Everyone must take climate action, but people and countries creating more of the problem have a greater responsibility to act first. Climate change can affect our health, ability to grow food, housing, safety, and work.

Mexican America -- Mexican America: Glossary

The Cronica mexicayotl recounts the Mexica migration from Aztlan to Lake Texcoco, where they founded their capital. These beings influence the fate of the Mexica; yet their influences run in non-uniform, and at times contradictory ways. Tensions between the guidance of their patron deity Huitzilopochtli and devils from Christianity expose various ideological threads in the warp and weft of the text.




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