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Greg Johnson opened the Blue Door in Over the past few years, the concert venue has become a hub of liberal activism in a largely conservative state. It's a couple hours before show time at Oklahoma City's the Blue Door, and owner Greg Johnson is in his living quarters at the back of the venue, remembering musicians who've hung out there after shows. Johnson moves into the Spartan performance space, where soon Oklahoma songwriter Mike McClure shows up for his sound check. McClure gestures to folding chairs that seem to be arranged as much for worship as entertainment, saying it is "the best listening room in Oklahoma. For 25 years, the Blue Door has been a regular tour stop for singer-songwriters.
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Content:
- What's Next for Julius Jones After Execution Is Halted?
- AECOM Delivering a better world
- Careers at EY
- LG 27GL650F-B 27 Inch UltraGear™ Full HD IPS Gaming Monitor with G-Sync® Compatible, Adaptive-Sync
- It Really Would Help if People Learned to Email
- Doubts over China tennis star's email raise safety concerns
- Arts Calendar
- About Audra Mae
- The Trail of Tears and the Forced Relocation of the Cherokee Nation (Teaching with Historic Places)
What's Next for Julius Jones After Execution Is Halted?
Newt Gingrich is an important man, a man of refined tastes, accustomed to a certain lifestyle, and so when he visits the zoo, he does not merely stand with all the other patrons to look at the tortoises—he goes inside the tank.
The attention would be enough to make a lesser man—say, a sweaty magazine writer who followed his subject into the tortoise tank for reasons that are now escaping him—grow self-conscious. But Gingrich, for whom all of this rather closely approximates a natural habitat, barely seems to notice.
A well-known animal fanatic , Gingrich was the one who suggested we meet at the Philadelphia Zoo. He used to come here as a kid, and has fond memories of family picnics on warm afternoons, gazing up at the giraffes and rhinos and dreaming of one day becoming a zookeeper.
Since then, Gingrich has spent much of the day using zoo animals to teach me about politics and human affairs. The females hunt, and as soon as they find something, the male knocks them over and takes the best portion. But the most important lesson comes as we wander through Monkey Junction. Gingrich tells me about one of his favorite books, Chimpanzee Politics , in which the primatologist Frans de Waal documents the complex rivalries and coalitions that govern communities of chimps.
For several minutes, he lectures me about the perils of failing to understand the animal kingdom. Disney, he says, has done us a disservice with whitewashed movies like The Lion King , in which friendly jungle cats get along with their zebra neighbors instead of attacking them and devouring their carcasses.
As he pauses to catch his breath, I peer out over the sprawling primate reserve. Spider monkeys swing wildly from bar to bar on an elaborate jungle gym, while black-and-white lemurs leap and tumble over one another, and a hulking gorilla grunts in the distance.
At a loss for what to say, I start to mutter something about the viciousness of the animal world—but Gingrich cuts me off. With his immense head and white mop of hair; his cold, boyish grin; and his high, raspy voice, he has the air of a late-empire Roman senator—a walking bundle of appetites and excesses and hubris and wit. Check out the full table of contents and find your next story to read. When I ask him how he views his legacy, Gingrich takes me on a tour of a Western world gripped by crisis.
In Washington, chaos reigns as institutional authority crumbles. Throughout America, right-wing Trumpites and left-wing resisters are treating midterm races like calamitous fronts in a civil war that must be won at all costs. And in Europe, populist revolts are wreaking havoc in capitals across the Continent. Twenty-five years after engineering the Republican Revolution, Gingrich can draw a direct line from his work in Congress to the upheaval now taking place around the globe.
But as he surveys the wreckage of the modern political landscape, he is not regretful. It was a natural audience for him. At 35, he was more youthful-looking than the average congressional candidate, with fashionably robust sideburns and a cool-professor charisma that had made him one of the more popular faculty members at West Georgia College.
But Gingrich had not come to deliver an academic lecture to the young activists before him—he had come to foment revolution. The speech received little attention at the time.
Gingrich was, after all, an obscure, untenured professor whose political experience consisted of two failed congressional bids. But when, a few months later, he was finally elected to the House of Representatives on his third try, he went to Washington a man obsessed with becoming the kind of leader he had described that day in Atlanta.
The GOP was then at its lowest point in modern history. But Gingrich had a plan. The way he saw it, Republicans would never be able to take back the House as long as they kept compromising with the Democrats out of some high-minded civic desire to keep congressional business humming along.
His strategy was to blow up the bipartisan coalitions that were essential to legislating, and then seize on the resulting dysfunction to wage a populist crusade against the institution of Congress itself. Gingrich recruited a cadre of young bomb throwers—a group of 12 congressmen he christened the Conservative Opportunity Society—and together they stalked the halls of Capitol Hill, searching for trouble and TV cameras.
Their emergence was not, at first, greeted with enthusiasm by the more moderate Republican leadership. They even looked different—sporting blow-dried pompadours while their more camera-shy elders smeared Brylcreem on their comb-overs.
Gingrich and his cohort showed little interest in legislating, a task that had heretofore been seen as the primary responsibility of elected legislators. Bob Livingston , a Louisiana Republican who had been elected to Congress a year before Gingrich, marveled at the way the hard-charging Georgian rose to prominence by ignoring the traditional path taken by new lawmakers. For revolutionary purposes, the House of Representatives was less a governing body than an arena for conflict and drama.
And Gingrich found ways to put on a show. He recognized an opportunity in the newly installed C- span cameras, and began delivering tirades against Democrats to an empty chamber, knowing that his remarks would be beamed to viewers across the country.
Although Congress had been a volatile place during periods of American history—with fistfights and canings and representatives bellowing violent threats at one another—by the middle of the 20th century, lawmakers had largely coalesced around a stabilizing set of norms and traditions.
Entrenched committee chairs may have dabbled in petty corruption, and Democratic leaders may have pushed around the Republican minority when they were in a pinch, but as a rule, comity reigned. This ethos was perhaps best embodied by Republican Minority Leader Bob Michel, an amiable World War II veteran known around Washington for his aversion to swearing— doggone it and by Jiminy were fixtures of his vocabulary—as well as his penchant for carpooling and golfing with Democratic colleagues.
Michel was no liberal, but he believed that the best way to serve conservatism, and his country, was by working honestly with Democratic leaders—pulling legislation inch by inch to the right when he could, and protecting the good faith that made aisle-crossing possible. More important, Gingrich intuited that the old dynamics that had produced public servants like Michel were crumbling.
Tectonic shifts in American politics—particularly around issues of race and civil rights—had triggered an ideological sorting between the two parties. Liberal Republicans and conservative Democrats two groups that had been well represented in Congress were beginning to vanish, and with them, the cross-party partnerships that had fostered cooperation. Rather than letting the party bosses in Washington decide which candidates deserved institutional support, he took control of a group called gopac and used it to recruit and train an army of mini-Newts to run for office.
Gingrich hustled to keep his cause—and himself—in the press. Effective as these tactics were in the short term, they had a corrosive effect on the way Congress operated. But Gingrich looks back with pride on the transformations he set in motion. And no one was noisier than Newt. It was , and he was 15 years old. His family was visiting Verdun, a small city in northeastern France where , people had been killed during World War I.
The battlefield was still scarred by cannon fire, and young Newt spent the day wandering around, taking in the details. He found a rusted helmet on the ground, saw the ossuary where the bones of dead soldiers were piled high. His mother struggled with manic depression , and spent much of her adult life in a fog of medication. Gingrich moved around a lot and had few friends his age; he spent more time alone in his room reading books about dinosaurs than he did playing with the neighborhood kids.
But this is not the stuff Gingrich likes to talk about. Those family picnics at the zoo that he has been reminiscing about all day? It was in Verdun that Gingrich found an identity, a sense of purpose.
The next year, Gingrich turned in a page term paper about the balance of global power, and announced to his teacher that his family was moving to Georgia, where he planned to start a Republican Party in the then—heavily Democratic state and get himself elected to Congress.
Gingrich immersed himself in war histories and dystopian fiction and books about techno-futurism—and as the years went on, he became fixated on the idea that he was a world-historic hero. As Gingrich tells me about his epiphany in Verdun, a man in a baseball cap approaches us in full fanboy mode. I love you on Fox. After the superfan leaves, I make a passing observation about how many admirers Gingrich has at the zoo.
As his national profile had risen, so too had his influence within the Republican caucus—his original quorum of 12 disciples having expanded to dozens of sharp-elbowed House conservatives who looked to him for guidance. The goal was to reframe the boring policy debates in Washington as a national battle between good and evil, white hats versus black—a fight for the very soul of America. Through this prism, any news story could be turned into a wedge.
A deranged South Carolina woman murdered her two children? Gingrich was not above mining the darkest reaches of the right-wing fever swamps for material. When Vince Foster, a staffer in the Clinton White House, committed suicide, Gingrich publicly flirted with fringe conspiracy theories that suggested he had been assassinated.
Despite his growing grassroots following, Gingrich remained unpopular among a certain contingent of congressional Republicans, who were scandalized by his tactics.
Gingrich unleashed a smear campaign aimed at taking Wright down. He reportedly circulated unsupported rumors about a scandal involving a teenage congressional page, and tried to tie Wright to shady foreign-lobbying practices. Watergate, this was not. Heading into the midterms, he rallied Republicans around the idea of turning Election Day into a national referendum. While candidates fanned out across the country to campaign on the contract, Gingrich and his fellow Republican leaders in Congress held fast to their strategy of gridlock.
As Election Day approached, they maneuvered to block every piece of legislation they could—even those that might ordinarily have received bipartisan support, like a lobbying-reform bill—on the theory that voters would blame Democrats for the paralysis. Pundits, aghast at the brazenness of the strategy, predicted backlash from voters—but few seemed to notice.
Even some Republicans were surprised by what they were getting away with. By the time voters went to the polls, exit surveys revealed widespread frustration with Congress and a deep appetite for change. Republicans achieved one of the most sweeping electoral victories in modern American history. They picked up 54 seats in the House and seized state legislatures and governorships across the country; for the first time in 40 years, the GOP took control of both houses of Congress.
On election night, Republicans packed into a ballroom in the Atlanta suburbs , waving placards that read liberals, your time is up! Grinning out at the audience, he announced that a package had just arrived at the White House with some Tylenol in it. T he freshman Republicans who entered Congress in January were lawmakers created in the image of Newt: young, confrontational, and determined to inflict radical change on Washington. From the creation of interstate highways to the passage of civil-rights legislation, the most significant, lasting acts of Congress have been achieved by lawmakers who deftly maneuver through the legislative process and work with members of both parties.
On January 4, Speaker Gingrich gaveled Congress into session, and promptly got to work transforming America. Determined to keep Republicans in power, Gingrich reoriented the congressional schedule around filling campaign war chests, shortening the official work week to three days so that members had time to dial for dollars. There had been federal funding lapses before, but they tended to be minor affairs that lasted only a day or two.
The gambit was a bust—voters blamed the GOP for the crisis, and Gingrich was castigated in the press—but it ensured that the shutdown threat would loom over every congressional standoff from that point on. Over the course of several secret meetings at the White House in the fall of , Gingrich told me, he and Clinton sketched out plans for a center-right coalition that would undertake big, challenging projects such as a wholesale reform of Social Security.
Never mind that Republicans had no real chance of getting the impeachment through the Senate. He thought he was enshrining a new era of conservative government. In fact, he was enshrining an attitude—angry, combative, tribal—that would infect politics for decades to come. In the years since he left the House, Gingrich has only doubled down. Mickey Edwards, the Oklahoma Republican, who served in the House for 16 years, told me he believes Gingrich is responsible for turning Congress into a place where partisan allegiance is prized above all else.
He noted that during Watergate, President Richard Nixon was forced to resign only because leaders of his own party broke ranks to hold him accountable—a dynamic Edwards views as impossible in the post-Gingrich era.
AECOM Delivering a better world
Washington — The House voted on Wednesday to censure Republican Congressman Paul Gosar of Arizona and strip him of his two committee assignments after he posted an edited anime video to his social media accounts that depicted violence against Democratic Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York and President Biden. The House passed a resolution punishing Gosar by a vote of to , with Republicans Liz Cheney of Wyoming and Adam Kinzinger of Illinois joining all Democrats in support of the measure and one Republican voting "present. The resolution stated that "depictions of violence can foment actual violence and jeopardize the safety of elected officials, as witnessed in this chamber on January 6" and noted that "violence against women in politics is a global phenomenon meant to silence women and discourage them from seeking positions of authority. The video that sparked the censure resolution was posted to Gosar's congressional Twitter and Instagram accounts last week and racked up more than 3 million views. In the cartoon, Gosar is portrayed as a sword-wielding character who slashes at a figure with Ocasio-Cortez's face with his weapons from behind, causing the character to collapse to the ground.
Careers at EY
Oklahoma Ave. Admission is free! Redmond is a world-class drummer who has toured with country music star Jason Aldean for over 20 years. Application deadline is Jan. We are particularly interested in candidates with experience in or enthusiasm for film, music, public relations or marketing for specialized projects. Interns will be selected based on previous experience, professionalism and university level. Priority will be given to those in their junior or senior year. Previous office experience is a plus. Intern responsibilities will include researching and compiling film and music events throughout Oklahoma for our website and our monthly newsletter, Now Playing.
LG 27GL650F-B 27 Inch UltraGear™ Full HD IPS Gaming Monitor with G-Sync® Compatible, Adaptive-Sync
The conditions Oklahoma Governor Kevin Stitt placed on the commutation that blocked Julius Jones' scheduled execution are "unusual" and "unprecedented," according to legal experts who spoke with Newsweek. Jones, 41, was scheduled to be executed Thursday afternoon. He was convicted in of the murder of Paul Howell, who was killed in when Jones was While Howell's family has said they believe Jones is guilty, Jones has said he did not kill Howell.
It Really Would Help if People Learned to Email
The AAU was founded on January 21, , with the goal of creating common standards in amateur sport. From its founding as a publicly supported organization, the AAU has represented US sports within the various international sports federations. It has grown over the years to become one of the leading and most influential associations. Mills, a member of the AAU Board of Governors, introduces a plan which calls for the AAU to reorganize into a union of Associations now called Districts rather than an association of clubs. Turner concludes his national convention address in Baltimore by announcing that women's swimming will be recognized by the organization. Mahoney withdraws his proposed amendment to boycott the Olympic Games in Berlin, Germany.
Doubts over China tennis star's email raise safety concerns
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Arts Calendar
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About Audra Mae
Work on your personal writing projects in a collaborative and relaxing space. Chill music and snacks will be provided! RSU is designed around proven factors that make your college experience meaningful. We are personal in every aspect: small classes, attentive professors, a close-knit community, and hands-on learning.
The Trail of Tears and the Forced Relocation of the Cherokee Nation (Teaching with Historic Places)
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