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Pages Page size ISBN pbk. Economic assistance—Developing countries. Poverty—Developing countries. Eyben, Rosalind. R His development work has been mainly in East Africa and South Asia. His current interests include participatory methodologies, institutional learning and change, and knowledge in development. Rosalind David is an independent consultant based in New Zealand.

She has over 15 years of experience in international development work at grassroots, policy and management levels. Her last post was joint head of impact assessment at ActionAid. She has particular expertise in implementing effective monitoring, evaluation and impact assessment systems.

Rosalind Eyben is a social scientist with a career in international development policy and practice, including in Africa, India and most recently Latin America. She is completing her PhD on the contribution of monitoring to trigger learning in participatory rural resource management. He has also worked and undertaken research in India and Pakistan.

Antonella now works as an independent consultant. She is a specialist in rural livelihoods, but has had a strong, ongoing interest in process issues such as organizational learning and change, knowledge management and monitoring and evaluation. Patta Scott-Villiers is a researcher at IDS and has spent most of her career working in East Africa on a variety of aid programmes, focusing, in particular, on the relationships between poor people, aid agencies, governments and other authorities.

Cathy Shutt is a development practitioner who has had ten years of experience working with development organizations in South-East Asia. Preface and Acknowledgements This book challenges some of the assumptions about the practice of aid.

It argues that if donors are to achieve their aims of contributing to the reduction of global poverty, they need to invest as much or more time in their relationships up, down and across the aid chain as they currently spend in managing their money. It means that staff in international development agencies, individually and collectively, will have to learn to change their behaviour, both with their own colleagues and with those with whom they interact at global and local levels.

It means asking who we are and why we understand the world in a certain way because of our identity. How does that understanding have an impact on our behaviour and on our relations with others?

We wanted to make a difference with a limited budget. We learned that our major aid instrument was ourselves: our country team that had a balance of highly motivated nationally and internationally recruited professionals working at the same level.

We took risks and recorded our errors, trying to learn from our mistakes. Above all, we sought to establish relations of trust and mutual respect with a diversity of partners, not trying to do things by ourselves but with others.

When I started working at the Institute of Development Studies IDS in , after two and a half years in Bolivia, I discovered and joined a group of colleagues who had already established a collaborative programme of work with interested practitioners in the Swedish International Development Agency Sida , ActionAid AA and DFID, who through learning and innovation were exploring how to make sense of their aid relationships.

This book is a fruit of that collaboration. I would also like to thank all the contributors for their ideas, enthusiasm and interest, and for delivering their chapters on time. We explore how reflective practice can enhance that quality. A second factor is unequal power relations. The potential for aid relationships to support progressive social change is limited by the operations of power within and between aid organizations, something that remains largely unnamed and unchallenged, thus constraining transformative learning.

The third factor also related to power is weak mutual accountability within the web of aid that prejudices the quality of relationships and hinders learning.

The illusion of being in control leads to the neglect of relationships that would privilege different perspectives and offer new answers to managing the turbulent political environment of which donors are part, and contribute towards creating. The aid web In exploring aid relationships, it is not helpful to think of binaries: donors, on the one hand, and recipients on the other.

However, this description can be unhelpful to understanding relationships if we focus too much on the concept of chain. It risks ignoring the diversity and complexity of networks and connections of power between the plethora of organizations that constitute the international aid system. Thus, I prefer the idea of a web. Whose voice and knowledge count in the decisions they make?

They made a renewed pledge to achieving the Millennium Development Goals MDGs — for example, in relation to improvements in health and access to education. The assumed fears of taxpayers were soothed by stressing that money would not be misspent, and that a performance-oriented, results-based approach would deliver the desired outcomes.

The commission echoed the OECD Paris Declaration on Aid earlier in that year, which also emphasized principles of mutual responsibility and partnership. However, in both cases there was little consideration as to how donors should change to live up to these principles. There has been little public discussion of what we have learned from psychology: that, ultimately, the only people we can change are ourselves Harris, and that in order to be part of the solution, donors must recognize that they are part of the problem.

This is the challenge that this book takes up. We aim to contribute not only to aid effectiveness, but also to wider learning by governments and civil society in OECD countries. For example, the Make Poverty History campaign has focused the attention of the public on the glaring injustice of international trade regimes constructed through historically generated unequal relations of power that aid by itself cannot redress.

In its new global development policy, Sweden has committed itself to government policy coherence in which trade policy does not, for example, undermine the efforts of Swedish aid to reduce global poverty. Sweden and other donors with similar policies will experience a number of paradoxes embedded in contested understandings of state sovereignty and global rights and responsibilities.

It can encourage donor governments to appreciate how their behaviour in one arena impacts negatively upon the quality of their relationship in another. For example, observing how young men in northern Nigeria wear Osama t-shirts and perceive UK government intervention in Iraq as an unjust and illegal use of force, Sarah Ladbury noted that the best intentions of aid practice are undermined by how these citizens in an aid-recipient country view UK government behaviour overall.

This newer concern revealed more clearly the political tensions and ambiguities in aid relationships and thus challenged the conventional approach to aid that sees development as primarily a technical matter of investment and growth. Such an imposition would be likely to encourage resistance to the aid agenda. Aid through the lens of complexity and power Our focus on relationships draws on thinking from a wider body of current research and practice that looks at social and organizational change through the lens of complexity see Chapter 2.

The premise of complexity theory, as it relates to understanding how history happens, is that change is emergent. Composed of innumerable patterns of relationships continuously shaped and reformed through interaction with each other, new processes are constantly being generated that, in turn, may affect loop back and change those processes already in existence.

Thus, we cannot predict all the effects that any of our actions may have on processes of change or, indeed, on ourselves as initiators of the action.

Complexity theory posits that self-organizing sets of relationships through networks rather than hierarchical structures are a key element in societal change De Landa, Inclusive Aid was the product of a workshop held in when a group of practitioners and academics met at the Institute of Development Studies IDS in Sussex to consider the interplay of power, procedures and relationships in international aid.

In any case, its largely post-modernist perspective offered little help for those, such as the workshop participants, seeking to improve development aid. The editors of Inclusive Aid suggested that what is needed are:. Internally, there is a need for new organizational norms based on learning, growth and mutual respect, and where teamwork and initiative are valued over hierarchy and control.

Groves and Hinton, , p6 Some participants at the workshop decided to explore how these new organizational norms were emerging in aid agencies. Origins of this book As a direct result of the workshop, IDS developed a collaborative programme of work with the Swedish International Development Agency Sida , ActionAid and DFID to explore understandings of learning and innovative practices in relation to notions of participation and accountability.

Sida is a government agency with semiautonomous status from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, to whom it reports and from whom it receives its funds.

Swedish development cooperation started some 40 years ago during the United Nations Development Decade with a strong vision of solidarity in struggles for social justice in the developing world. Sida staff saw themselves as grassroots workers supporting radical agendas for change, rather than bureaucrats. Swedish aid has always had poverty reduction and human rights objectives.

British aid tends to concentrate in its former colonies. Since , British aid has had an overarching goal of poverty reduction. Working in over 40 different developing countries, it employs about people, roughly equivalent to DFID and slightly more than Sida. Unlike the two government organizations, 90 per cent of its staff come from the countries where it is working, although recently DFID has tended to follow this trend.

Sida staff worked to explore understandings and practices of participation across the agency. Arora-Jonsson, Cornwall and others helped them to experiment with participatory learning groups see Chapter 4. David, Mancini and Guijt discuss how the new system prioritizes accountability to poor people and partners, and consider its potential for revolutionizing how the organization works see Chapter 7.

The network expanded to include others in sharing examples of practice and in pushing the theoretical frontiers. In , soon after joining IDS, I began to explore accountability, learning and relationships within bureaucratic modes of organization see Chapter 2.

Meanwhile, although DFID staff in Peru had not consciously engaged with complexity theory, they responded to the potential that self-organizing networks represented for aid practice. Wilson and Eyben were among a bigger team invited to document this experience see Chapter 6. This is how the collaborative learning programme evolved to include new themes and partners.

Following this Introduction, two theoretical chapters help to frame our understanding of aid relations. After this, case studies follow that are sequenced to move from exploring personal change through relation-based learning, to organizational change through collective learning processes within aid agencies, to studies of the challenges of learning not only within, but also between, organizations in the aid web.

Practitioners have become researchers and vice versa. These changes in perspectives provide opportunities for empathetic learning; for those of us who went through these transitions, we remember how the world looked to us when we were in their shoes. Such learning is a crucial step to strengthening relationships for a reformed international aid practice.

Relational notions of power The meaning that any one of us gives to power depends upon why we are interested in it and what we want to get out of it. Interest and motivation are shaped by our education, our personal experience and by how we understand ourselves in relation to the world our politics and values. The particular context of our interest and motivation also shapes the content that we give to the concept.

Another is an understanding of power as producing an effect. We know that power is operating when we spot resistance. Other contributors sometimes understand power as relational and sometimes as a resource that can be divided up.

ActionAid is relatively unusual in exploring the implications and meanings of power for its practice. Those involved have learned that it means addressing relations of power within, as well as between, organizations. The top leadership in ActionAid — management and board — not only supported the change, but also enthusiastically promoted it. In contrast, the other case studies in this volume that relate to Sida and DFID are accounts of energetic and committed individuals and limited networks, tolerated but hardly supported by senior management.

Relational notions of power challenge the idea of objective value-free knowledge because such knowledge — how we understand and describe the world — is contingent upon our time and place, and the relations with others that shape our lives and identity. The obligatory inclusion of the logframe by many bilateral and multilateral aid agencies is another example.

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