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To browse Academia. Remember me on this computer. Enter the email address you signed up with and we'll email you a reset link. Need an account? Click here to sign up. Download Free PDF. Illocutionary pluralism Synthese, Marcin Lewinski. A short summary of this paper.

Illocutionary pluralism. Springer, Cham, pp —, ; Johnson in Synthese 3 —, , I build a case for it by drawing attention to common con- versational complexities unrecognized in speech acts analysis.

Traditional speech act theory treats communication as: 1 a dyadic exchange between a Speaker and a Hearer who 2 trade illocutionary acts endowed with one and only one primary force. I first challenge assumption 2 by discussing two contexts where plural illo- cutionary forces are performed in dyadic discussions: dilemmatic deliberations and strategic ambiguity. Further, I challenge assumption 1 by analyzing poly-adic dis- cussions, where a speaker can target various participants with different illocutionary acts performed via the same utterance.

Together, these analyses defend illocution- ary pluralism as a significant but overlooked fact about communication. I conclude by showing how some phenomena recently analyzed in speech act theory—back- door speech acts Langton, in: Fogal, Harris, Moss eds New work on speech acts. Oxford University Press, Oxford, pp —, —implicitly presuppose illocutionary pluralism without recognizing it.

These three are mutually exclusive, jointly exhaus- tive, clearly defined, monofunctional actions that I can undertake in this context. But what is sufficient for communication with a machine cannot be a model of how our speech actions function in a social world. It is something of a staple in philosophy that human actions are complex.

Actions can simultaneously cause and constitute different things, often in intricate chains. All the same, so the argument goes, this complexity consists in the plurality of cor- rect descriptions of an action, not plurality of actions themselves: there is one thing the agent does, which can then be analytically divided into its parts or aspects, from flexing a muscle to firing Donald.

At the same time and eo ipso, we also perform one of the various illocution- ary acts: conventionally recognizable social acts, such as promising or announcing a verdict. Finally, to perform these two is also to perform a perlocutionary act, that is, to make our listeners feel, think, or do certain things, such as reassuring or enrag- ing them.

This has not gone unnoticed. For discus- sion, see e. Here, I build on these criti- cisms to produce a more general positive account of how illocutionary pluralism functions thanks to salient features of communicative context, primarily, the plural- ity of hearers the speaker engages through her utterances.

I further show that illocutionary pluralism is in fact tacitly assumed in many of the recent analy- ses of phenomena such as back-door speech acts Langton, and dog-whistles Saul, Let me start with a simple example illustrative of the phenomenon in question.

We can then identify the target of her speech act in terms of an elided attributive vocative: 1. The attributive vocative only makes sense in the context of multi-party conversation. A simple question is: Which illocutionary act has Barbara performed? These qualifications are necessary, as they allay a number of obvious concerns.

Finally, con- dition c blocks against the indirect speech act analysis see Searle, and below. I cannot enter this debate here, but for my argument to work, convention, at a minimum, requires some form of collective recognition of stand- ard, expected behavior. Not coincidently, this recognition also underlies overt communicative intentions, as discussed in Sect. Collective recognition is typically based on some historically repetitive and pat- terned behavior which, while arbitrary, is functional in resolving some social coordination issues; as such, it generates collective expectations of conformity that might lead to sanctioning transgressors.

I am assuming these latter conventions operate in many of the examples adduced here. Similarly to Ann, she has two hearers to address, who seem to be on a par: Ann by virtue of 1. Thus, we can dis- tinguish another level where Barbara by way of her appointment does illocutionarily at least two further things: Level 3: 1 Apologizes to Ann expressive with a justification assertive for why she is not able to fulfill her request.

Despite extended glosses proposed here, this procedure conforms to the original tests devised for indirect speech acts by Searle : they address the non fulfilment of some felicity conditions; here, the pre- paratory conditions for apologies and requests. Given the multi-party context here, as already explained, these assertions are further conversational appointments, since the ability is attributed by a third party, rather than the original requester.

Let me conclude this analysis with two basic take-away points. In one simple utter- ance Chris has a watch , we see a plurality of illocutionary acts that spreads over two axes. On the vertical axis we can distinguish at least three levels of a by-way-of illocutionary chain, where a direct assertion conveys an indirect appointment which, in turn, conveys an indirect apology and request.

These facts about conversation will guide my theoretical arguments for speech act pluralism understood as illocutionary pluralism Sect. The argument will primarily hinge on a shift of attention from a dyadic to a polyadic conversation as an unmarked context for speech act exchange. In multi-party polylogues, a speaker may release various recognizable illocutionary acts to different hearers Sect. However, also in simpler one-on-one dialogues, a speaker may intentionally perform numerous illocutionary acts for her hearer to consider Sect.

Either scenario thus justifies the case for illocutionary pluralism. The crucial concept is that of illocution—indeed, in the subsequent literature, some scholars esp.

Searle, , , straightforwardly identify speech acts with illocutionary acts. Above, I have accordingly focused on the question of which illocutionary act Barbara performed. The chief idea is that the same speech act can express an indefinite number of propositions, most importantly, a minimal proposi- tion fixed, grounded in literal meaning of non-indexical expressions and a max- imal proposition contextually variant and open to enrichment, most obviously in the case of indexicals.

The specifically illocutionary aspect of speech act pluralism I am after here thus differs from locutionary pluralism in two respects: it pertains to the illocutionary force central to speech act theory and is genuinely pluralistic as it aims precisely at multiple recognition. Finally, one sentence on the possibility of seeing speech act pluralism in terms of perlocutionary pluralism. While Egan briefly discusses speech acts other than assertion—performatives and commands , pp.

As already projected by Austin , , Lectures VIII—IX , profound ques- tions regarding the nature of consequences of our speech acts—including long chains of consequences, unintended consequences, and multiple, possibly incompatible consequences of a single act—as well as our responsibility for them, can and should be raised. Thank you to an anonymous reviewer for pressing this point. A Speaker first infuses her utterance with a determined intention, which is then recog- nized by Hearer, who in return produces a fitting utterance.

Questions are responded to with answers, answers with doubts, doubts with arguments, arguments with coun- terarguments, and, step-by-step, emerges a dialogue, where the felicity conditions for speech acts in pairs are nicely dovetailed. This image is grounded in two crucial and interrelated assumptions that are broadly and unreflectively accepted: 1 Illocutionary monism: each speech act has basically a unique primary force or function, something to be recognized and responded to appropriately.

Regarding 2 , more elaborate critiques have been furnished by a number of scholars for some time now Goffman, ; Levinson, Such critiques would very well serve my argument here—if only they were some- what more correct. More precisely: they correctly expose both the illocutionary monism and the dyadic reduction as theoretical assumptions, but at the expense of literal and historical detail.

To see this, let me engage some early speech act work. In his monograph, Searle observes this: Both because there are several different dimensions of illocutionary force, and because the same utterance act may be performed with a variety of different intentions, it is important to realize that one and the same utterance may con- stitute the performance of several different illocutionary acts.

There may be several different non-synonymous illocutionary verbs that correctly character- ize the utterance. Searle, , pp. As already mentioned, Austinian speech acts include three irreducible aspects—locution, illocution, and perlocution—and further within locution itself phonetic, phatic, and rhetic acts. Moreover, and significantly for my argument, Clark and Carlson , p. While none of this constitutes illocutionary pluralism the way I elabo- rate it here, it provides some of its key building blocks.

The upshot of it is that, contrary to some critics such as Johnson, the founding figures of speech act theory do question, even if in a somewhat parenthetical or nas- cent way, the tenets of illocutionary monism and of the dyadic reduction. Nonethe- less, they do not ever seriously pursue pluralism—and in particular pluralism related to multiplicity of participants—in their investigations. One key reason is that illocutionary monism offers a powerful and parsimonious assumption that there is a single, unique illocutionary force fact for each speech act Johnson, It has intuitive appeal—when we do something, we typically do one determinate thing—and lets us avoid vague, ambiguous, complex, or otherwise tangled force attributions.

Pluralism would thus need to have substantial theoretical advantages to enter the view—such as its capacity to account for empirical phenom- ena monism struggles with. But this can be doubted by claiming that illocutionary pluralism and multi-party exchanges are simply not common. Normally, we trade unique forces in dyadic exchanges and the examples adduced here are somewhat fanciful. This, of course, is an empirical question, and one that requires the kind of evidence we should be very unlikely to obtain.

This challenge should, at least, be seriously addressed with some argument, empirical or otherwise. Austin , p. In this way, possible illocutionary pluralism related to multiple participants is relegated to idiosyncratic contextual circum- stances. Searle resorts instead to the concept of indirect speech acts to account for the undeniable cases of illocutionary dualism, that is, cases where one and the same utterance in one and the same context expresses two illocutionary forces: Can you pass me the salt?

Given that this is a well-researched topic, I will not delve any further into these nuances. Instead, I will briefly mention two extensions of the indirect speech act plurality. The first of them further complicates the verti- cal axis of plurality while the second introduces a horizontal axis, something that I think should be considered as the illocutionary pluralism proper.

This discussion will pave the way for the argument that illocutionary pluralism is not only a com- mon but also a worthwhile phenomenon for philosophers to investigate. Analysts of ordinary conversations such as Levinson , have noticed that the limitation of indirect speech acts to just two levels is somewhat arbitrary.

Under proper circumstances, responses such as 5. These sequences can involve further, chained illocutions: in 5. Another approach to illocutionary pluralism, which I have already called horizon- tal, has been proposed by Clark. We can further imagine that due to a particular arrangement between Ann and Ewan you go and prepare the birthday cake when I ask Charles to tell a joke , this can be a command to Ewan.

To account for such cases, Clark takes up an idea hinted at by Austin , p. One is the traditional kind, such as an assertion, promise, or apology; this is directed at the addressees. Two critical points on that. First, this approach unduly limits the primary illo- cutionary acts to the addressee. While it does reveal speech act pluralism in multi-participant conversations, it resorts to a disposable layer of illocutionary force.

Do we really need to read: I hereby inform that I ask you what the time is?

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