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- The Repository @ St. Cloud State
- Phonetic Encoding of Coda Voicing Contrast under Different Focus Conditions in L1 vs. L2 English
- Coda Speaker Cabinet and Combos
- The role of gesture delay in coda /r/ weakening: An articulatory, auditory and acoustic study
- Influence of syllable-coda voicing on the acoustic properties of syllable-onset /l/ in English
- Zagg iFrogz Coda Bluetooth Speaker
- Buy or Rent Buy & Hire Coda Audio Loudspeakers
The Repository @ St. Cloud State
However, the place of articulation of the resulting nasal is unclear. We used production and perception experiments to determine the contexts which condition neutralization and the place of articulation of the resulting nasal. In contrast, Standard Mandarin controls produced the contrast in all vowel contexts. Our results provide support for a role for substantive factors in neutralization-driven sound changes. Nasals, Shanghai Mandarin, Standard Mandarin, ultrasound, neutralization.
Faytak, M. However, loss of the nasal coda place contrast in modern Chinese, and the specific places of articulation which are favored in the merged or neutralized codas, can also be attributed to various substantive factors.
More specifically, nasal consonants are thought to be relatively vulnerable to sound change because of their low perceptual salience Chen, ; Zee, ; Zee, Detecting nasal place contrasts is particularly challenging in the context of the vowel [i] and other front vowels. For instance, English listeners, who have a three-way place distinction for coda nasals, have been shown to misperceive coda velar nasals as alveolar after front vowels [i] and [e] Zee, The [i] vowel context may be especially conducive to place neutralization because of its biomechanical properties.
Palatal segments, including front vowels and especially [i], have a relatively high coarticulatory resistance , making them insensitive to coarticulation with adjacent segments and more likely to impose their articulatory demands on those segments. The articulatory requirements of producing non-low vowels may as such influence the course of nasal merger or neutralization, primarily in determining the outcome of merger: Articulatorily demanding vowels will tend to exert a larger influence on the non-contrastive place of nasals which effectively lack their own place targets, consistent with models of coarticulation and underspecification in phonetics Keating, a ; Keating, b ; Bakovic, We used production and perception experiments to investigate the extent and outcome of nasal coda neutralization in Shanghai Mandarin, the regional dialect of Standard Mandarin spoken in and around the city of Shanghai, and the factors that contribute to it.
In Experiment 1, we present ultrasound imaging data to evaluate the articulation of nasal codas in four vowel contexts by both native northern Standard Mandarin speakers and bilingual Shanghai Mandarin speakers. Finally, we discuss the implications of the results from the production and perception experiments for the characterization of non-contrastive nasal place in the syllable coda in Chinese languages, and more generally for characterizing the outcomes of neutralization and contrast reduction processes in language change.
In the rest of the introduction, we give an overview of the production of nasal codas in Standard Mandarin and past studies on nasal coda neutralization in varieties of Mandarin, with a focus on Taiwan Mandarin and Shanghai Mandarin , leading up to our proposed experiments.
Standard Mandarin rhymes containing nasal codas, after Duanmu , with example characters. Pairs of rhymes examined in the present study are bolded. While this vowel quality difference may allow Standard Mandarin listeners to distinguish alveolar and velar nasal codas, it is not clear that schwa insertion is consistent across speakers. Duanmu describes schwa insertion as mandatory , p. The regional Standard Mandarin varieties considered in the following sections show contrast reduction not only in this context but also after other non-low vowels.
In this section, we consider prior research on nasal codas in Taiwan Mandarin, a regional variety of Standard Mandarin that has been widely investigated. However, some crucial differences exist between Taiwan Mandarin and mainland Standard Mandarin. At least some of the specifics of the neutralization pattern in Taiwan Mandarin have been attributed to interference from Taiwanese Min Nan.
What remains controversial is the extent and outcome of the neutralization. However, in a recent ultrasound study of nasal codas, Chiu, Lu, et al. Four of nine participants in Chiu, Lu, et al. In perception experiments using an identification task, the nasal resulting from merger is sometimes identified as alveolar. Note that these results are consistent with the perceptual bias reported for alveolar nasals in English listeners Zee, Fon et al. In contrast, Chiu, Lu, et al. Perceptual identification experiments alternately suggest that the outcome of neutralization is either alveolar or velar, both of which are structure-preserving outcomes in the sense that they are identified with one of the segments that participates in the neutralization.
However, in all these perceptual experiments, listeners were forced to choose between alveolar and velar labels.
Chiu, Lu, et al. Thus, we cannot rule out the possibility that the place of the neutralized nasals in Taiwan Mandarin is neither alveolar nor velar, but intermediate between the two, and not structure-preserving in the aforementioned sense.
This could account for listener groups identifying the nasals sometimes as alveolar or velar in identification tasks. This brings us to the case of nasal coda merger in Shanghai Mandarin. Shanghai Mandarin is a Standard Mandarin variety spoken by residents of the Shanghai area which is often a second language learned after Shanghainese during schooling or acquired simultaneously with Shanghainese at home. Shanghainese is the mutually unintelligible local variety of Wu Chinese spoken in the Shanghai area.
Coda nasal merger in Shanghai Mandarin has been explicitly attributed to the influence of Shanghainese Luo, , which lacks a coda nasal place contrast. Effects of the first language L1 on incomplete acquisition of sound contrasts in a second language are ubiquitous; here we summarize findings that are specific to nasal codas. Likewise, Burmese speakers who learned Mandarin as an L2 are less sensitive in discriminating Mandarin coda nasals Lai, , in keeping with Burmese having only non-contrastive coda nasality like Shanghainese Green, Given the absence of a coda nasal place contrast in Shanghainese, it is then not particularly surprising that Shanghai Mandarin speakers have difficulty distinguishing some codas differing in nasal place.
What cannot be explained by an L1 interference account is why mergers in Shanghai Mandarin are reported in some but not all vowel contexts. An L1 interference account is also limited in its ability to predict the place of articulation of the neutralized nasals in Shanghai Mandarin.
A logical possibility is that the neutralized nasals in Shanghai Mandarin have the same place of articulation as nasals in similar rhymes in Shanghainese. But there is significant disagreement on how the nasal coda is articulated after the remaining non-low, non-back vowels. Qian , p. Regardless, such variability limits the utility of an L1 interference account.
That is, these descriptions provide us with viable candidates for the merged place of articulation of nasals in Shanghai Mandarin under an L1 interference account, but no way to arbitrate between them. In this paper we examined the extent of coda nasal place neutralization in Shanghai Mandarin, its outcome, and the vowel contexts which encourage it. We were motivated to investigate place neutralization because it has been studied less than neutralization of other features.
These are usually described as structure-preserving processes in phonological accounts: That is, neutralization results in a sound structure present outside of the neutralizing environment, for instance a voiceless stop in the case of voicing neutralization. Place neutralization, along with most other types of neutralization, has not been subject to this level of scrutiny see Yu, It remains to be seen whether the phonetics of place neutralization are similar to those of voicing neutralization in generating novel phonetic structures from the participating segments.
Examining place neutralization conditioned by segmental context also provides an opportunity to probe contributions of perceptual and biomechanical biases to the process of contrast reduction. If outcomes are modulated by segmental context, as may be the case in Shanghai Mandarin, neutralization can be assessed with respect to substantive properties of this context; in the case of Shanghai Mandarin, for instance, neutralization may prove to be mediated by perceptual or articulatory properties of the preceding vowels.
In our experiments, we first used ultrasound tongue imaging to examine nasal coda neutralization in production by Shanghai Mandarin and Standard Mandarin control speakers. We then played stimuli uttered during the production experiment to a separate group of Shanghai Mandarin and Standard Mandarin speaking controls. In this perception experiment, we used an AXB task instead of an identification task as has been done previously. Recall that forcing subjects to choose between alveolar or velar labels is not useful in cases where the place of articulation of the resulting merger may be neither alveolar nor velar.
We used the perception results not to identify the place of the resulting neutralized nasals, but to probe the extent of neutralization in Standard versus Shanghai Mandarin. Comparisons of this sort are typically not made within the same study, even though studies of both Standard Mandarin Mou, and regionally accented Mandarin Yang, ; Chiu et al, ; Luo, ; Guan, suggest similar patterns of neutralization. We first used ultrasound tongue imaging as a means of directly determining whether there was neutralization in production and to identify the non-contrastive place of articulation of the neutralized nasal.
Given the rarity of direct articulatory imaging studies of place neutralization but see Ramsammy, ; Chiu et al, , the existing evidence for neutralization to a particular place of articulation is weak, likely because of the documented perceptual limitations in identifying nasal place of articulation in coda position.
We additionally aimed to determine the extent of inter-speaker variation in production, which seems essential given conflicting reports in descriptions to date. All participants were students at the University of California, Los Angeles and thus also spoke English. Mandarin control subjects were confirmed to have no ability in Shanghainese and never to have lived in a predominantly Shanghainese-speaking region.
All bilingual participants except for speaker 9 acquired Shanghainese and Mandarin simultaneously from birth; Speaker 9 acquired Mandarin at age five. Stimuli were presented to both participant groups using the same simplified Chinese characters. Stimuli consisted of 16 pairs of Mandarin disyllabic words 32 words in total differing only in whether their second syllable ends in an alveolar or velar nasal.
Ultrasound images were recorded using a Telemed Micro device outfitted with a Telemed MCR20S-3 convex probe recording at a rate of 82 frames per second. Audio recordings were digitized using a Focusrite Scarlett 2i2 audio interface, which was also configured to receive the synchronization pulse train emitted by the ultrasound device as the time-aligned second channel of a stereo file.
Stimuli were presented as simplified Chinese characters. To prevent incorrect readings of the stimuli, subjects were briefly familiarized with the wordlist and frame sentence before recording. The stimuli were presented in a different pseudo-random order in ten blocks, for a total of tokens for each speaker. All testing was carried out by the second author, a Standard Mandarin speaker who does not speak Shanghainese.
The stimuli were located in utterance-final position in order to avoid influence on the production of the nasal codas of nasal place assimilation to, or resyllabification into, a following syllable. The experiment was self-paced: Participants started and ended the ultrasound and audio recording process using keypresses. The entire recording session lasted approximately 40 minutes. Tokens whose nasal codas did not demonstrate lingual closure were discarded so as not to present a confound to the analysis of lingual closure place.
Out of the utterances per speaker collected, an average of tokens per speaker remained for analysis. In order to evaluate the tongue shapes each speaker used to produce the two nasal codas, a single representative frame at the midpoint of each stimulus-final nasal coda token was selected based on the force-aligned segment boundaries and the synchronization signal emitted by the ultrasound device. Sample data for speaker 10; anterior is right. The resulting principal components PCs capture patterns of covariation among the pixels in the set of frames.
These patterns can be displayed as so-called eigentongues Hueber et al. The first ten PCs were retained as a lower-dimensional representation of tongue shape for an individual speaker, explaining an average of For each speaker, the scores for these PCs and the target of each token, i.
We refer readers to Hueber et al. These models maximize statistical power despite an unequal number of observations under each condition; they also allowed us to evaluate the contribution of the independent variables while controlling for baseline differences across speakers and items using the highest random effects structure with intercepts and slopes that converged.
Classification accuracies for speaker-specific LDAs, pooled for all speakers Figure 2 , were in keeping with previous findings that the frequency of merger varies across vowel contexts. To explore further, a mixed-effects linear regression was run to predict LDA accuracy, with fixed effects of speaker group, vowel, coda nasal, as well as their interactions and random intercepts for subjects.
The LDA performance data considered so far only reveal patterns in distinctiveness or similarity of articulations used for the coda nasals. To appreciate the actual tongue configurations employed, we first examined the overall distribution of LD scores by segment and vowel context. We also included random intercepts for speaker and item.
Below, we discuss the distributional differences in tongue configurations for intended alveolar and velar nasals in more detail. For the Standard Mandarin control group, regardless of preceding vowel context, alveolar nasals almost exclusively exhibited an LD value lower than 0. We will henceforth refer to these as canonical ranges for the alveolar and velar nasals.
Phonetic Encoding of Coda Voicing Contrast under Different Focus Conditions in L1 vs. L2 English
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The role of gesture delay in coda /r/ weakening: An articulatory, auditory and acoustic study
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Influence of syllable-coda voicing on the acoustic properties of syllable-onset /l/ in English
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Martina Abat , St. Cloud State University Follow. To test this hypothesis, I examine seven words containing voiced double codas produced by twenty BCMS speakers of English, comparing them to the control group consisting of five native English speakers. The remaining clusters, including bilabial stops, alveolar nasals, and velar nasals, were less frequently devoiced.
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DOI: For this purpose, an Intelligibility Test was designed containing utterances with word-final codas that were produced with phonetic characteristics typically found in the English spoken by Brazilians e. This test and a background questionnaire were completed by 38 listeners from different nationalities. The results indicate that certain types of coda modification hinder intelligibility, and that semantic information improves intelligibility in some cases. Furthermore, listeners whose L1 is not typologically similar to Brazilian Portuguese BP and who reported being highly familiar with the English spoken by Brazilians tend to perform better on the Intelligibility Test. Contact with different accents should benefit listeners, who are more likely to understand pronunciation patterns that are frequent in the language spoken by a particular group of L2 users.
Like many other languages, English has wide variation in pronunciation , both historically and from dialect to dialect. In general, however, the regional dialects of English share a largely similar but not identical phonological system. Among other things, most dialects have vowel reduction in unstressed syllables and a complex set of phonological features that distinguish fortis and lenis consonants stops , affricates , and fricatives.
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